{"id":2047,"date":"2018-08-24T18:26:49","date_gmt":"2018-08-24T18:26:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.translatorswithoutborders.org\/blog\/?p=2047"},"modified":"2024-08-22T14:28:53","modified_gmt":"2024-08-22T14:28:53","slug":"hefazot-transforms-to-nirapotta-janela-becomes-kirkiri","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/translatorswithoutborders.org\/blog\/hefazot-transforms-to-nirapotta-janela-becomes-kirkiri\/","title":{"rendered":"Hefazot transforms to nirapotta; janela becomes kirkiri"},"content":{"rendered":"

One year into the Rohingya refugee response, a language evolves with its people.<\/span><\/h2>\n

Language is fluid. It is subject to environment, culture, and the whims of communities. It\u2019s been one year since more than 700,000 Rohingya fled over the border from Myanmar into Bangladesh. And it is here in these cramped refugee camps that a language is shifting and evolving right in front of us.<\/span><\/p>\n

The early days<\/h3>\n

In the early days of the response, the language challenges for the refugee community were immense<\/a>. First responders struggled to communicate where and how to access lifesaving services, and to document individual accounts of trauma. The community struggled to explain its essential needs (According to one report, <\/span>more than 60% <\/span><\/a>of refugees said they could not communicate with aid workers), and dozens of untrained interpreters emerged overnight to fill the need for linguistic middlemen. <\/span>Many of these amateur interpreters spoke the local Chittagonian; while somewhat similar, there are very distinct differences in the languages that create confusion, misinformation and miscommunication. Rohingya speakers estimate that there is around a 70% similarity between Chittagonian and Rohingya (<\/span>Rohingya Zuban report<\/span><\/a>). That might sound pretty good – but keep in mind that there is more than 80 percent similarity<\/a> between Spanish and Italian, and no one would ever hire an Italian interpreter for a Spanish refugee! <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cOnly a few of our men knew Bangla or English. The locals were helping, but even they couldn\u2019t fully understand us. We couldn\u2019t explain to them why we were fleeing, what was being done to us across the river.\u201d <\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n

Woman in her mid-30s, living in Nayapara, an informal camp in the region.<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

For example, early in the response, the phrase \u2018violence against women\u2019 was frequently misinterpreted as \u2018violent women\u2019. Certain kinship terms, like husband (<\/span>beda<\/span><\/i> \/ <\/span>zamai<\/span><\/i> \/ <\/span>shwami<\/span><\/i>) and daughter (<\/span>zer-fua<\/span><\/i> \/ <\/span>maya-fua<\/span><\/i> \/ <\/span>mela-fua<\/span><\/i>), led to some families being separated when shelters were assigned. Then there was <\/span>gaa lamani<\/span><\/i> \u2014 in Rohingya it means diarrhea, but in Chittagonian, it literally translates as \u2018body falling down.\u2019 This certainly led to some confusing sessions with health workers.<\/span><\/p>\n

Signs directing the community to health centers, food distribution sites and other essential services were written mostly in English (although less than 5 percent of the population is literate in English). The main avenue to complain or give feedback was the complaints box \u2013 a concept that not only requires a level of literacy, but is also culturally alien to the community.<\/span><\/p>\n

\"Help<\/p>\n

A new way forward<\/h3>\n

A year on, many organizations are creating innovative ways to communicate. For example, many are working with the community to develop image-based signage.The challenges in developing images that represent such seemingly simple concepts as \u2018caution\u2019 or \u2018hospital\u2019 give an insight into the complexities of communicating symbols amongst different languages and cultures. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cA white hand means clean hand. If you want to stay \u2018stop\u2019 or \u2018caution\u2019, use red. A red hand will stand out. It will tell us to stop.\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n

Middle-aged man, testing shelter signage<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

More than a million Rohingya refugees now live in camps spread across the southernmost tip of Bangladesh. Here, older refugee communities that arrived over the last 30 years live side by side with new arrivals and the host community. Throw into the language ecosystem the institutionalized jargon spoken by English speaking aid workers and you have a fascinating interplay of language and culture.<\/span><\/p>\n

Language is influenced by its surroundings. For example, the Rohingya dialect spoken by the older arrivals now differs from the Rohingya spoken by the newer arrivals. Decades of living amongst a Bangladeshi host community has seen their mother tongue adopt a number of Bangla words. For example, a newly arrived refugee might use the word <\/span>hefazot<\/span><\/i>, to refer to \u2018security\u2019 or \u2018safety\u2019 while the more established refugee community now borrows from Bangla <\/span>nirapotta<\/span><\/i>. Older refugees might use the word <\/span>janela<\/span><\/i> (actually borrowed from the former Portuguese colonizers) meaning window, while newer refugees use <\/span>kirkiri<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cWhen I go to the clinic, the doctor can\u2019t understand when I explain what\u2019s wrong using Rohingya language. The health interpreter sometimes teaches me the word for my condition in Bangla. This is helping me communicate better with the doctor.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Woman, 54<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

When speaking to a newly arrived Rohingya refugee, you will notice the influence of Burmese, Arabic, and Farsi in their terminology. <\/span>Serama<\/span><\/i> (from <\/span>siyama<\/span><\/i> in Burmese, meaning \u2018female teacher\u2019), <\/span>serang<\/span><\/i> (\u2018to make a list\u2019) and <\/span>atwarta<\/span><\/i> (\u2018documents\u2019) show the Burmese and Rakhine influence on the language. While <\/span>mosiboth<\/span><\/i> (\u2018danger\u2019) and <\/span>izzot <\/span><\/i>(\u2018honor\u2019) come from Arabic, <\/span>aramiyoth <\/span><\/i>(\u2018health\u2019), <\/span>moroth <\/span><\/i>(\u2018male\u2019), and <\/span>rong <\/span><\/i>(\u2018color\u2019) are Farsi words either borrowed directly or via Urdu.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSometimes it\u2019s even difficult for us to understand the new Rohingyas, especially if they come from <\/span>fuk-kool\u201d (literally, \u2018the east side\u2019 of the mountain range)<\/span>. \u201cTheir accent is distinct, and they use words that many other Rohingyas don\u2019t use. Maybe they use more Rakhine words.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Salim, Rohingya interpreter from Teknaf.<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

In the last year it has become clear that humanitarian responders are giving more than aid to the community. New English words are creeping into Rohingya dialogue every day. \u00a0For example, the Rohingya word for \u2018toilet\u2019, <\/span>tatti<\/span><\/i> is now commonly replaced by the word <\/span>lettin (<\/span><\/i>from<\/span> \u2018<\/span><\/i>latrine\u2019<\/span>)<\/span><\/i> and <\/span>modotgoroya, the word for <\/span><\/i>\u2018aid worker\u2019<\/span>, <\/span><\/i>has become<\/span> bolontiyar (<\/span><\/i>from<\/span> \u2018<\/span><\/i>volunteer\u2019) in everyday Rohingya vocabulary<\/span>. <\/span><\/i>While the registered Rohingya community uses the Bangla word <\/span>shoronati<\/span><\/i>, the newer arrivals have replaced the Burmese <\/span>dokasi<\/span><\/i> with the English word \u2018refugee\u2019 <\/span>(<\/span><\/i>pronounced <\/span>rifuzi)<\/span><\/i>. Interestingly, even English words that they picked up while in Myanmar are now being replaced with \u201cnewer\u201d English words, like the word for intravenous saline (<\/span>deep<\/span><\/i> from \u2018drip\u2019 in Myanmar; <\/span>selain<\/span><\/i> from \u2018saline\u2019 in Bangladesh). <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cMost of us now say \u2018hosfital\u2019 for medical centers, but the older women still prefer to \u2018dattahana.\u2019\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n

Young woman, focus group discussion<\/span><\/em><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

The camp is full of different languages; Burmese rhymes <\/span>compete with Arabic hymns and Hindi pop songs. The community is eager to learn new languages. <\/span>Burmese is regularly cited<\/span><\/a> as the most desirable language to learn, closely followed by English and Bangla (in that order). And while the teaching of Bangla is officially banned by the gover<\/span>nment, some Rohingya men \u2013 particularly the youth \u2013 study informally at night among themselves and with the older, registered Rohingya refugees. <\/span><\/p>\n

This is what makes our work here so fascinating. It’s riveting watching language twist and turn to fit into its new environment like you would squeeze into a pair of new jeans. That\u2019s why resources like our <\/span>glossary<\/b><\/a>, <\/span>resources,\u00a0<\/a><\/b>and the\u00a0training<\/a><\/b> we provide to field workers in this response is so crucial. This ensures important information is delivered in the right language and that as their language needs shift and evolve, we are able to move with them. Over the next year we\u2019re sure to see more change, as more children have access to learning centers that teach English and Burmese, and interactions between the community and aid workers from around the world increase. Listen carefully; language matters.<\/span><\/p>\n

This blog post is based on dozens of conversations and focus groups held by TWB with the community over the last year.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

Written by Irene Scott, TWB Program Director, Bangladesh, and AK Rahim, TWB Sociolinguistic Researcher.\r\n<\/span><\/pre>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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